A Critical Analysis Of The Constructivism Method Politics Essay

A Critical Analysis Of The Constructivism Method Politics Essay This essay attempts to provide an overview of constructivism in international relations theory; traces back its origins through writings of some scholars ,particularly Alexander Wendt . It sheds light on prominence of constructivism as a challenger to the mainstream international relations. It first lays out the basic tenets of constructivism and examines their implications on opening new substantive areas to inquiry, such as the roles of gender and ethnicity, which have been largely absent from international relations approaches. Having defined some of the core features of constructivism as an approach, the article examines constructivism as theory . This will be conducted through applying theory functions on constructivism. In addition , the essay shows some of the critiques of constructivism from realist and post-positivist point views. Finally . It concludes with the fact that constructivism is not independent and full-fledged theory but a theoretically informed approach to the study of global politics. Key words: constructivism, ideas, identity, norms, culture, beliefs, social construction anarchy. Constructivism provides a good method, but a poor theory. Discuss. Until the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the debate between Neo-realism and Neo-liberalism has dominated the discipline of International Relations; materialism was the building blocks of mainstream international theory. For neo-realists, the principal determinant of state behaviour is the distribution of military capabilities among states, consequently anarchy and the distribution of relative power drive most of what goes on in world politics. (Copeland 2000:187) .Neo-liberals also saw state interests as essentially material, even if they did posit the importance of international institutions as intervening variables.( Rues-Smit 2001:224). Thus, societal analysis in international relations scholarship has been marginalised. In the late 1980s and early 1990s, the writings of Alexender Wendt (1987, 1992), Friedrich Kratochwil (1989) and Nicholas Onuf (1989) established constructivist ideas, a genuinely radical alternative to conventional IR. Although a relatively new approach to IR, constructivism has returned international scholars to the foundational questions, including the nature of the state and the concepts of sovereignty and citizenship. In addition, constructivism has opened new substantive areas to inquiry, such as the roles of gender and ethnicity, which have been largely absent from international relations approaches. (Mingst 20004:74) By reimagining the social as a constitutive realm of values and practices, and by situating individual identities within such a field, constructivists have placed sociological inquiry back at the centre of the discipline. Aided by the momentous changes that attended the end of the Cold War, and also by the ongoing process of globalization, the constructivists interest in the particularities of culture, identity, interest and experience created space for renaissance in the study of history and world politics. .( Rues-Smit 2001:226) Constructivism as an approach Constructivism is about human consciousness and its role in international life (Ruggie 1998). Constructivists focus on the role of ideas, norms, knowledge, culture, and argument in politics, stressing in particular the role of collectively held or intersubjective ideas and understandings on social life. Specifically, constructivism is an approach to social analysis that asserts the following: (1) human interaction is shaped primarily by ideational factors, not simply material ones; (2) the most important ideational factors are widely shared or intersubjective beliefs, which are not reducible to individuals; and (3) these shared beliefs construct the interests and identities of purposive actors (Adler 1997, Price Reus-Smit 1998, Ruggie 1998, Wendt 1999). The core observation in constructivism is the social construction of reality. This has a number of related elements. One is to emphasize the socially constructed nature of actors and their identities and interests. Instead of assuming that actors are born outside of and prior to society, the claim is that individuals are produced and created by their cultural environment. Nurture not nature. (Branett 2001 : 259). In an of-repeated phrase, Alexander Wendt captured the methodological core of IR constructivism: anarchy is what states make of it. There is no objective international world apart from the practices and institutions that states arrange among themselves. In making that statement , Wendt argues that a self-help anarchy is not some kind of external given which dictates a logic of analysis based on realism: self-help and power politics are institutions ,not essential features of anarchy'(Wendt 1992:395) ,(Jackson Sorensen 1999:239) Alexander Wendt argues that political structure, whether one of anarchy or particular distribution of material capabilities, explain nothing. It tells us little about state behaviour : It does not predict whether two states will be friend or foes, will recognize each others sovereignty ,will have dynastic ties, will have revisionist or status quo powers, and so on. (Wendt 1992:395) . What we need to know is identity, and identities change as a result of cooperative behaviour and learning. Whether the system is anarchic depends on the distribution of identities, not the distribution of military capabilities, as the realist would have us believe. If a state identifies with itself, then the system may be anarchic. If a state identifies with other states, then there is no anarchy (.(Mingst 20004:75) A security dilemma , for example , is not merely made up of the fact that two sovereign states possess nuclear weapons. It also depends on how those states view each other; that view is based on shared knowledge. ,(Jackson Sorensen1999:238) In a constructivist analysis, agents and structures are mutually constituted; structures not only constrain actors, they also shape the identities and the interests of them. Thus structures are also defined by ideas, norms, and rules; in other words, structures contain normative and material elements. The challenge, therefore, is to recognize that the normative structure can create agents and that agents can create and possibly transform those structures. (Branett 2001 : 255). According to Alder , constructivisms importance and its added value for the study of international relations lie mainly in its emphasis on the ontological reality of intersubjective knowledge and on the epistemological and methodological implications of this realty. ( Alder1997:322) . Additionally , power can be understood not only as the ability of one actor to do what they would not to do otherwise , but also as the production of identities and interests that limit the ability to control their life. In sum , the meanings that actors bring to their activities are shaped by the underlying culture, and meanings are not always fixed but are a central feature of politics. Constructivism as a theory However, despite of the intellectual vigour that constructivism has fostered, this approach has been criticized. John Mersheimer complains that constructivists put too much emphasis on subjective ideas knowledge: realists believe that the state behaviour is largely shaped by the material structure of the international system. The distribution of material capabilities among states is the key factor for understanding world politics. This means that everything is not uncertain or in flux, says Mersheimer, because the material structure is an objective reality and is not merely intersubjective. (Mearsheimer 1995a:91-92). Although constructivism is deeply concerned with radically changing state behaviour, it says little about how change comes about. It does not tell us why particular discourses become dominant, and others fall by the wayside. And when constructivism trys to point out particular factors that lead to changes in discourse, often argues that material changes drive changes in discourse. So discourse is not determinative , but a reflective of developments in objective world..( Mearsheimer 1995b :42 ). In addition, neo-realists are sceptical about the importance that constructivists attach to norms, in particular international norms. Such norms surely exist, but they are routinely disregarded if that is in the interest of powerful states.( Jackson 2006 ). Moreover, there is no international consensus concerning norms of behaviour in the international system, primary of which is justice and human rights. At the same time, neo-realists are not ready to accept that states can easily become friends due to their social interaction. Such a goal may be desirable in principle, but not realizable in practice, because the structure of the international system forces states to behave as egoists. Anarchy, offensive capabilities, and uncertain intentions combine to leave states with little choice but to compete aggressively with each other. For realists, trying to infuse states with communitarian norms is a hopeless cause (Mearsheimer 1995b: 367). From the post-positivist side, Steve Smith argues that the constructivist view of how ideas and shared knowledge shape the way the actors see themselves in world politics is not sufficiently profound. Furthermore, the constructivist agenda is a rather traditional one, focusing on the interaction of states .There is no place for structure such as capitalism or patriarchy. (Smith 1997:186) Finally, if, as constructivists claim, there is no objective reality . if the world is in the eye of the beholder , then there can be no right or wrong answers , only individual perspectives. With no authoritative texts, all texts are equally valid both the musings of the elite and the practices of everyday men and women. (Mingst 20004:76) Is it a theory? A theory is a based upon a hypothesis and backed by evidence; it presents a concept or idea that is testable. In science, a theory is not merely a guess. A theory is a fact-based framework for describing a phenomenon. In social sciences, theories are used to provide a model for understanding human thoughts, emotions, and behaviours. A social theory has two key components: (1) it must describe behaviour and (2) make predictions about future behaviours. To evaluate a theory, we must verify many conditions: 1- Generalizability: applicability to many times, places, and issues. 2-Empirical validity: accuracy of predictions. 3-Progression: whether it expands to new predictions or degenerates by excessive modification. If we apply these conditions to constructivism, we will find that constructivism is neither specific enough to be testable, nor parsimonious. And it is unclear what factors are cause nor which are effect. It does not prize deductive methods of theory-construction and does not seek to uncover causalities. ( Ruggie, 1998, 52) Constructivism is a different kind of theory from realism, liberalism, or Marxism and operates at a different level of abstraction. Constructivism is not a substantive theory of politics. It is a social theory that makes claims about the nature of social life and social change; consequently it does not, by itself, produce specific predictions about political outcomes that one could test in social science research. (Finnemore Sikkink 2001:393) As such, it is much more and much less than meets the eye. It is much less because it is not properly a theory that can be viewed as a rival to already existing theories. It offers no predictions about enduring regularities or tendencies in world politics. Instead, it suggests how to investigate them. Consequently, it is much more than meets the eye because if offers alternative ways of thinking about a range of issues. (Branett 2001 : 268) However, the debate about basic theory is of course relevant for the constructivist ambition of demonstrating that ideas matter. How exactly is it that ideas matter? Do changes in ideas always come before changes in material conditions? Do ideas guide policy or are they justifications for policy? Should ideas be seen as causes of behaviour in IR or should they rather be seen as constitutive elements that define what IR is all about? Further clarification in these areas is of vital importance for the constructivist research programme. (Jackson 2006). Drawing on what mentioned above, there is scepticism about constructivism .whether it is properly to be seen as a theory of IR theory or as a philosophical category, a meta-theory or a method for empirical research, or whether it is indeed an approach relevant at several levels. ( Zehfuss 2002:9) . In conclusion, constructivism is not independent and full-fledged theory but a theoretically informed approach to the study of global politics. Conclusion Constructivism challenged the disciplines mainstream on its own terms and on issues that were at the heart of its research agenda. (Branett 2001: 268) However, the rise of Constructivism has had several important impacts on the development of international relations theory and analysis; the social, historical, and normative have returned to the centre stage of debate, especially the American core of the discipline. . ( Rues-Smit 2001:225) Constructivisms core assumptions have shaped its empirical research program in several important ways. They have shaped the kinds of questions constructivists tend to ask by opening up for inquiry issues that other approaches had failed to engage. Understanding the constitution of things is essential in explaining how they behave and what causes political outcomes. Just as understanding how the double-helix DNA molecule is constituted materially enables understandings of genetics and disease, so, too, an understanding of how sovereignty, human rights, laws of war, or bureaucracies are constituted socially allows us to hypothesize about their effects in world politics. (Finnemore Sikkink 2001:394). Their claim deserves attention in a world where inflamed passions lead to bloodshed in the name of neither conquest nor class, but instead simply because of who the enemy is: a Muslim, a Serb, a Tutsi, a Hutu, a Catholic, a Protestant, an Arab, or a Jew. Realism and liberalism are not incapable of explaining hatred, but they struggle to account for such widespread violence that serves neither Mammon nor the national interest. (Kowert,Paul 2001). Finally , Constructivism has become a phenomenon in IR not merely because many scholars adopted it , but because a lot of scholars debated and are still debating it .

Criticism of the Malthusian Theory of Population Essay

Thomas robert malthus was a son of Daniel and Henrieta Malthus. He was born in 1766 in England. He studied philosophy, mathematics and theology at Jesus college, Cambridge in 1784. His students afectonatelly referred to him as â€Å"pop† or population and he entered the church in 1791. He later became a professor of history and political economy in the colledge which East India company maintained at Haileybury near London. He was in this position untill 1834 when he died. Fundamentally malthus did not agree with Adam smith optimism. He was pessimist unlike Adam Smith and other economist, he observed economic realities with greater concern. Especially when it comes to the power people. For instance while Adam Smith was ignoring the severe impact of rising food prices. Malthus did not. Malthus agued that the economic system, as it was working, needed some remedial action. Malthus major contribution where his â€Å" theory of population† and â€Å" the theory of economy crisis† it was his theory of population that dominated his writings. He made many other contributions to the study of economics. He anticipated a member of theoretical contributions of later times. His thesis of deficiency of effective demand was picked up and elaborated systematically by Keynes. Malthus philosopy was a mixture of his religious moralty and cold blooded reality of the world. His reasoning despit the fact that he was a revrend and a gentleman was properly connected in sientific reasoning and language. His approach to the population problem and all the problems in economics and social science which he studied was strictly scientific in the modern perspective. THOMAS ROBERT MALTHUS THEORY OF POPULATION Malthus extensive writings on the theory of population was a response to others before him. Some argued that a densly population country was good for production so a very definite and scientific relationship was not developed between population and the means of subsistence. Some argued that the only way to contrrol population is to give workers subsistence wage, some also believe that increase in population is needed to have good, large and powerful millitary. Out of all these economist the one that extrated a response from Malthus was William Godwin whose book â€Å" An inquiry concerning political justice, and its influence on moral and happiness† (1796) argued that human being could reach perfection immoralty and that there will never be over population because as at that time only one-quarter of the earth’s is being cultivated. Malthus response to this was â€Å" An essay on the principle of population â€Å" (1803) which is published in his Sixth edition. In his book Malthus did not agree with the views expressed by Godwin that either the population growth would be counter balanced by a coresponding increase in means of subsistence or reason would prevail leading to check of growth population. Malthus stated that, the populations of the world would increase in geometrin proportion while the proportion of food will increase in an arithmetic progression

Prayer in School Essay example - 1375 Words

Rough Draft / Thesis Even though public schools today are without school prayer, most schools have replaced prayer, with a Silent moment of reflection. Also, the assumption if there is a God or not is a big question as well. I think prayer should be re-instated into schools, because children should be able to express religion freely. I also feel that lack of discipline; youth pregnancy, dropouts, and violence in schools are other issues that can be more controllable if there were religious classes and school prayer. Public schools exist to educate not to proselytize. There are many people that believe prayer doesnt belong in the schools, because it violates the separation of church and state. What does the separation of church†¦show more content†¦Religion is private, and schools are public, so it is appropriate that the two should not mix. To introduce religion in our public schools builds walls between children who may not have been aware of religion differences before (Brochure produced by the Freedom From Religion Foundation). Whether or not to have prayer in schools have been discussed since the early twentieth Century. However, citing separation of church and state (which does not appear) in the First Amendment and applying to the state via the Fourteenth Amendment were successful in getting prayer banned from schools through the judicial system. During the time I attended elementary and middle school there was not an issue whether to start the day with a prayer, because prayer gave me guidance, it made me humble and constantly reminded me right from wrong (Tevis Carter, personnel opinion). In this day and time American Atheists has voiced a loud opinion on prayer in schools. Atheists are a group of individuals that believe that there is not a God. American Atheists Believe that authorizing prayer violates the students rights according to separation of church and state. They also believe it teaches students that there are invisible, supernatural entities which can be implored and appeased through mumbling prayers or reading from holy books. I believe that by not teaching from holy books and praying teaches atheism or secular humanism, resulting in a declineShow MoreRelatedPrayer in Schools Essay1215 Words   |  5 PagesPrayer in Public School There are many different philosophies regarding prayer in public school. It seems to be a difficult issue to decide upon. The opinions are wide-ranging and convoluted. This paper will attempt to highlight the many ideas and opinions as to whether prayers in public school should be allowed and to what extent. It will further show how our founders idea of a separate church and state has been taken out of context and why prayer in school should be allowed, but not requiredRead MoreShould Prayer Be Allowed? School?1623 Words   |  7 Pagesis too powerful and those that would agree that prayer should be allowed in school. On the flip side to that those that feel the government does not have enough power and tend to disagree with pear being allowed in school. Based off articles researched and statistics gathered as well summarized it can be determined that those that are of the conservative and or republican party tend to feel that the government should not have a say in prayer in s chool. This may be because of religious preference orRead More No Prayer in Public Schools Essay746 Words   |  3 PagesNo Prayer in Public Schools Chapter three of Civil Liberties: Opposing Viewpoints inspired me to research today’s issues of school prayer. To understand how we got to where we are today, I first delved into our countries history of court cases pertaining to rulings on prayer in schools. Lastly, to update my audience on how our lives are being affected today, I directed my efforts toward finding current situations. By analyzing these situations, I gained knowledge for a better understanding ofRead MoreDownfall of Education System was No School Prayer649 Words   |  3 Pagesâ€Å"Since prayer was removed from public school classrooms in 1962, we have had a 6-fold increase in violent crime, our divorce rate has tripled,births to single mothers have increased 5-fold, the teenage suicide rate has tripled, and SAT scores have dropped 10%.(Creation Today). Reasons that represent why prayer and moments of silence should be allowed in the public school system will be expressed. This essay will represent the a ffirmative stance when regarding this topic of school wide prayer and momentsRead MoreAmerica Needs Prayer in Public Schools Essay1999 Words   |  8 Pages Not so long ago, a typical school day would begin with the Pledge of Allegiance and a prayer. Today, a simple prayer is considered offensive and unconstitutional. A prayer is meant to be a conversation with God; a personal connection to a sovereign being of choice. I personally believe that prayer is beneficial. Prayer calms my mind and gives me the chance to thank God for all of his blessings. Granted, not everyone believes in the same God that I do. I believe most people would probably agree thatRead MoreReflecting on Religious Expression and School Prayer Essay1772 Words   |  8 Pagesthat need refining. In reflecting on religious expression and school prayer, it is important to realize the current legal issues and policies that should inform the regulation of such within the context of the school. Organized prayer in the public school setting, whether in the classroom or at a school-sponsored event, is unconstitutional. The only type of prayer that is constitutionally permissible is private, voluntary student prayer that does not interfere with the schools educational missionRead MorePrayer in Public Schools656 Words   |  3 PagesThe United States was built on prayer. Prayer or religion is on our currency in the many halls of our justice and federal buildings so no matter where we go, we cannot escape prayer. Our founding fathers did not exclude the bible in building our nation and educating our future and there will be no expectation. No matter what there will be prayer no matter where you are. Some people just don’t believe in God that’s why some don’t want prayer in public school. Though each of the clauses are originallyRead MoreThe Prayer On Public Schools1240 Words   |  5 PagesFor much of the 20th Century and into the 21st, school prayer has been the focal point of an ongoing debate about the position of religion in American civilization. The question of the legality of prayer in public schools brings together a number of important notions in American government and legal philosophy. Opponents and proponents of school prayer set forth their arguments in such major constitutional issues as the separation of church and state, the right to free exercise of religion, and theRead MoreThe Issue of School Prayer1009 Words   |  4 PagesThe issue of school prayer has been a thorny one in the United States for many years now. In the beginning of the nineteenth century readings of the Bible and prayer were common practices in public schools. However prayer was banned in 1962 due to claims that it was violating the First Amendment righ t that the government was not allowed to support religion, and from then on the Supreme Court has ruled against any and all forms of prayer in schools. Schools cannot however ban students from prayingRead MorePrayer in the Public Schools1111 Words   |  5 PagesPrayer in the Public Schools Diana Brown Everest Online Composition 1-226 ABSTRACT This essay is composed of facts supporting that prayer in Public Schools would be beneficial for the children and the United States of America. Prayer is an address to God or a god in word or thoughts. The Anti- Defamation League states that, â€Å"A moment of silence will inevitably be unconstitutional or the purpose and effect of such moments of silence are invariably to advance religion. The U.S. Supreme Court

Indias law on acid attacks - Free Essay Example

Sample details Pages: 7 Words: 2213 Downloads: 10 Date added: 2017/06/26 Category Ecology Essay Type Research paper Did you like this example? Chapter 6 Conclusions and Recommendations It can be concluded from the research of the laws prevalent in various countries that India has recognized the effects and the increasing incidence of acid violence in the country over the last few years. India has now made acid violence a specific offence and have through legislation ensured that victims be provided free treatment in both government and private hospitals. Also through the Supreme Court judgment it is mandated that the victim be given a minimum of 3 lakhs Rs. Don’t waste time! Our writers will create an original "Indias law on acid attacks" essay for you Create order as compensation by the State government. But still the implementation lacks as there are no agencies / bodies created at the state or district level to ensure that the mandatory provisions are implemented. There is an absence of National/State Monitoring Board or any National / State Victim Fund to adhere to the needs of the victims and also to ensure implementation at the ground level. The National Commission for Women in 2008 recommended establishment of National/State Monitoring Board and a National / State Victim Fund for the purpose but till now no such body is in existence. Even regards compensation and regulating sale and use of corrosive acids, the states have not come out with their policies despite repeated directions by the Supreme Court over the last few years. Also there is no grievance redressal system in place like the Special Acid Violence Tribunals created in Bangladesh. Recommendations- Recommendations with regards to Medical Support- Victims of acid violence need urgent medical support as time is of the essence. The first aid and the medical treatment, including cosmetic surgeries etc. are very expensive. Even in cases of less severe burns the amount spent in surgeries runs into lakhs of Rupees. Inspite of the Supreme Court’s guidelines and provisions in the I.P.C and Cr.P.C, the victims of acid violence face many obstacles in receiving free treatment and also seeking compensation from the Government. From the ground realities it is observed that therein lays the problem of implementation. In many cases of acid violence reported the victims still await the much needed compensation[1] and are denied the essential treatment on technical grounds. Also any delay in the surgery and skin-grafting procedures causes new skin to grow over the burnt skin causing further disfigurement. So to ensure effective implementation it is proposed:- That the Government issue Acid Victim cards to the victims of acid attack which are recognized and accepted in various Government and private hospitals in the Delhi- NCR area ensuring sppedy medical and first-aid treatment to the victims. That such hospitals be mandated to provide medicines and other services free of costs to the victims possessing these Govt. Issued Acid Victim Cards since many of the victims are poor and cant afford even the medicines let alone the surgeries. Also every such hospital should be mandated to reserve atleast 2 wards for victims of acid violence, since absence of beds is given as one of the reasons denying access of treatment to the victims. Also Victims of Acid Burns are prone to infection and so hygienic environment is one of the most essential aspects of treatment. The orders of the Supreme Court with regards to compensation should be implemented and a fund should be incorporated for victims of acid violence so that timely compensation can be paid to ensure urgent first aid and basic skin treatment. There should be in place a National Acid Attack Victim’s Assistance Board on the lines recommended by the National Commission for Women Draft Bill or a Criminal Injuries Compensation Board as recommended by the Law Commission in its 226th Report so as to have in place a monitoring authority to ensure the victim’s grievances are heard and timely compensation accorded to them.[2] Recommendations regarding Rehabilitation and After care of victims of acid violence-Victims of acid violence are unable to follow their normal routines for many years due to constant surgeries and treatment and in many cases are discarded by their families due to mounting costs of treatment. So it is proposed that:- The victims of acid violence are given employment in Govt. and Public Sector Undertakings since many people are unwilling to hire them because of their appearance and since due to their surgeries and medical treatments they have been out of skilled work for many years. In cases where the victim is not in a position to work due to medical and psychological reasons, the government should give monthly pension or some other fixed amount. The Acid Victim Card issued by the govt. for hospitals could be used to disburse this monthly amount. Furthermore since the victims are often shunned away from their homes due to medical expenses, it is proposed to provide the victims with a safe and hygienic accommodation as has been done by the State of Karnataka for victims of acid violence. Recommendations with regards to Framing Policy for previous Victims(Drafting a Scheme)- Past Victims of acid violence had to endure many obstacles and sufferings due to absence of laws and had to sell their personal belongings to finance their medical treatment. It is only in the 2013 Criminal Amendment Act that acid attacks was recognized as a distinct offence and Section 326A and 326B were introduced in the Indian Penal Code. In this Amendment Act Section 357B and 357C was introduced in Criminal Procedure Code mandating the States to incorporate a fund for victims of acid attacks and to ensure that both Government and Private Hospitals provide free essential medical treatment. In view of this it is proposed that a Scheme should be formulated treating Acid Attack Victims as a disadvantaged class and ensuring that:- In this Scheme even past victims for acid Violence should be compensated for their financial expenditure on their treatments which was a responsibility for the Govt. to provide in the first place. Atleast compensation amounting to 10 Lakhs of Rupees should be paid to them and a Govt job should be provided to them since they are treated as an outcast with no means of livelihood. Also it is proposed that a shelter house should be established for the Delhi-NCR area to cater to the needs of acid attack victims. Also since the victims of acid attacks are mostly girls in the age group of 15-25 yrs it is proposed that the government should frame policies to provide higher education. Due to the attacks many of the girls had to give up education and so remain unskilled. Education is one of the most elementary aspects of ensuring rehabilitation to the victims and ensuring financial independence. So incentives like scholarships, vocational training and reservation of seats should be provided to them through the scheme. Institutes like ILI can reserve a few seats for victims of acid violence and can also provide free legal aid to such victims. Recommendations with regard to Criminal Investigation and Trial Cases of acid violence should be brought under fast track courts since in such cases time is of the essence and due to the urgency of the matter questions regarding fine and compensation are to be decided at the earliest. Also a time period should be fixed within which the investigation is to be completed like it is 60 days in Bangladesh. Police officers found negligent or intentionally misleading investigations should be made criminally liable as done by other countries to ensure the perpetrators of such acts are brought to justice. Recommendations regarding establishment of Skin Banks, a Monitoring Authority, Sensitization and awareness- The Government should promote awareness with regards to acid violence and their detrimental effects. Also basic First Aid to be given to the victims should be highlighted. The govt. should enhance its efforts to sensitize the public generally towards victims of acid attacks so that they are not ridiculed and are brought to the manifold of life. The victims have done no wrong. It is the accused and the perpetrators who should lose face and not the victim. She deserves all the support we can give her. Inspite of the directions of the Supreme Court the Sale of Acid continues Unregulated. The Government should empower the SDM to carry out regular checks over the acid-selling Counters and also to ensure that the Companies manufacturing and distributing acids comply with the Supreme Court Guidelines. The SDM has to be given greater powers in this regard and the punishment for failure to comply with the guidelines with regards to Regulation of acid should invite heavt penalties so as to be a deterrent. Skin banks for acid attack survivors[3] At present, there are no skin banks at government-run hospitals, making skin donation out of reach for the poor.In February 2012, when the Union health ministry approved the idea of setting up a skin bank at New Delhi’s Safdarjung Hospital, acid attack survivors and burns patients across north India saw a ray of hope. However, the project is yet to see the light of day, according to replies to an RTI application filed by acid attack survivor and activist Pragya Prasun Singh.[4] Skin banks would not only help acid attack victims, but also those who suffer severe burns. The project was also supposed to involve an awareness programme on skin donation, but there is no such awareness programme in effect as of yet. Proposed Amendments Amendments to the Indian Evidence Act-It is proposed that section 114B of the Indian Evidence Act should be incorporated. Section 114 B would read as: 114B- Presumption as to acid attack-If a person has thrown acid on, or administered acid to, another person the court shall presume that such an act has been done with the intention of causing, or with the knowledge that such an act is likely to cause such hurt or injury as is mentioned in Section 326 A of the Indian Penal Code. Amendments to the Indian Penal Code- it is proposed that the recommendations of both National Commission for Women and the Law Commission should be complied with and a minimum amount of fine should be laid down both in Section 326A and Section 326 B. The National Commission for Women in its Draft Bill laid down the quantum of fine as 5 lakhs to be paid by the accused to the victim while the 226th Report laid down the amount of fine upto 10 lakhs. Even in cases of attempt to throw acid, the amount of fine should atleast be Rs. 2 lakhs so as to deter future cases of acid violence. Amendments to the Code of Criminal Procedure Section 161 should be amended so as to include 326A and 326B as the class of cases wherein the statement of the women who is victim of acid violence will be recorded by the women police officer or any woman officer. Section 167(5) of the Code should be amended so as to include a proviso stating that in cases of acid violence the investigation shall be concluded within a period of 30days from the arrest of the accused and in case of delay for no fault of the investigating officer, it shall be completed within a period of 2 months from the date of arrest of the accused. It is proposed Section 309 of the CrPC be amended so as to include Section 326A and Section 326B in the first proviso. Section 309 relates to the power to postpone or adjourn proceedings. It would mean that in cases of Section 326A and 326B, the trial or inquiry should be completed within a period of 2 months from the date of filing of the charge sheet. Furthermore Sec309 should be amended to introduce an additional proviso stating that in case of adjournment or in case of discharge of accused u/s 245 Crpc, the court may order interim compensation for the urgent treatment of victim of acid violence. Section 357A (5) should be amended so as to include a proviso so that in cases of acid violence interim compensation for urgent medical treatment should be disbursed to the concerned hospital treating the victim within 15 days. Section 357C should be amended so as to clarify that the hospitals (public/private) providing free treatment to victims of acid violence will get the amount reimbursed from the state’s Victim Compensation Fund after presenting the requisite details of the treatment provided signed by the victim. For this purpose the Government is to provide Acid Attack Victim Medical cards so as to make the whole process more transparent and easier for the victims of acid violence. Provisions as to Bail-Section 437 of the Code of Criminal Procedure should be amended so as to include a proviso that in cases of acid violence no bail should be given to the accused if it appears that on being released the accused would threaten the victim or would use his position to threaten/influence the victim or her family members. Also it should be made out that normally in cases of acid violence bail is not to be given unless accused shows that he has a strong defence or that preponderance of probabilities lies in favour of the accused. [1] See also Sapna Case Study in Chapter 5.1. [2] See Chapter 2.4.3 Draft Bills and Reports of this work. [3] Nupur Sonar, No skin to hide the Scars, 21st Dec’2013 available at: https://www.tehelka.com/no-skin-to-hide-the-scars/(Visited on 20th Feb 2014). [4] Ibid.